Yes, Peter Golden was my uncle's father. Peter Golden was born in Macroom. I don't have the date. I would imagine it would be around the late 1800's. He married a lady name Helen Merriam. His father was named Terrence Golden. Terrence married Honora McCarthy. Terrence Golden's mother was named Catherine MacSwiney whose brother was a man named Terrence MacSwiney who for a short time was mayor of Cork.
Terence MacSwiney, brother of Mary MacSwiney, was born in Cork and educated at the Royal University where he studied accountancy and joined the Gaelic League. During 1911-1912 he contributed articles to Irish Freedom which became the basis of his Principles of Freedom published posthumously in 1921.
In 1913 MacSwiney founded the Cork Brigade of the Irish Volunteers and was President of the Cork Branch of Sinn Féin and the 1st Cork Brigade of Volunteers when he was interned under the Defence of the Realm Act in Reading and Wakefield Gaols from April to December, 1916.
In February, 1917 MacSwiney was deported from Ireland and interned in Shrewsbury and Bromyard internment camps until June, 1917. In November, 1917 McSwiney was arrested in Cork for wearing an IRA uniform and was imprisoned in Cork Gaol where he went on a three day hunger-strike before his release. MacSwiney was arrested in Dublin in March, 1918 and imprisoned in Belfast and Dundalk Gaols until September when he was released, re-arrested and imprisoned to Lincoln Gaol. In the same year he published a volume of poetry entitled Battle Cries.
MacSwiney was released in March, 1919 and following the assassination of Thomas McCurtain, Lord Mayor of Cork, MacSwiney was elected to the mayorality. He was arrested in Dublin on August 12th, 1920 and charged with making a 'seditious' speech; with possession of a police code and a Cork Corporation resolution recognising Dáil Éireann. MacSwiney immediately commenced a hunger-strike. He was tried by court-martial, found guilty and sentenced to two years imprisonment. In Brixton Prison, MacSwiney continued his hunger-strike for seventy-four days until October 25th, 1920, making his the longest hunger-strike in Irish political history. The young Ho Chi Minh, then a dishwasher in London, said of MacSwiney - 'A Nation which has such citizens will never surrender'.
MacSwiney's body lay in state in Southwark Cathederal, London before removal by sea to Dublin and by train to Cork. His funeral procession was one of the largest ever seen in Cork City. In 1921 MacSwiney's play The Revolutionist was produced at the Abbey Theatre, Dublin. This extract is from MacSwiney's Principles of Freedom (1921).
Why should we fight for freedom? Is it not strange, that it has become necessary to ask and answer this question? We have fought our fight for centuries, and contending parties still continue the struggle, but the real significance of the struggle and its true motive force are hardly at all understood, and there is a curious but logical result. Men technically on the same side are separated by differences wide and deep, both of ideal and plan of action; while, conversely, men technically opposed have perhaps more in common than we realise in a sense deeper than we understand.
This is the question I would discuss. I find in practise everywhere in Ireland - it is worse out of Ireland - the doctrine 'The end justifies the means'.
One party will denounce another for the use of discreditable tactics, but it will have no hesitation in using such itself if it can thereby snatch a discreditable victory. So, clear speaking is needed: a fight that is not clean-handed will make victory more disgraceful than any defeat. I make the point here because we stand for separation from the British Empire, and because I have heard it argued that we ought, if we could, make a foreign alliance to crush English power here, even if our foreign allies were engaged in crushing freedom elsewhere.
When such a question can be proposed it should be answered, though the time is not ripe to test it. If Ireland were to win freedom by helping directly or indirectly to crush another people she would earn the execration she has poured out on tyranny for ages. I have come to see it possible for Ireland to win her independence by base methods.
It is imperative, therefore, that we should declare ourselves and know where we stand. And I stand by this principle: no physical victory can compensate for spiritual surrender. Whatever side denies that is not my side...
A SPIRITUAL necessity makes the true significance of our claim to freedom: the material aspect is only a secondary consideration. A man facing life is gifted with certain powers of soul and body. It is of vital importance to himself and to the community that he be given a full opportunity to develop his powers, and to fill his place worthily. In a free state he is in the natural environment for full self-development. In an enslaved state it is the reverse. When one country holds another in subjection that other suffers materially and morally. It suffers materially, being a prey for plunder. It suffers morally because of the corrupt influences the bigger nation sets at work to maintain its ascendancy. Because of this moral corruption national subjection should be resisted, as a state fostering vice; and as in the case of vice, when we understand it we have no option but to fight. With it we can make no terms. It is the duty of the rightful power to develop the best in its subjects: it is the practise of the usurping power to develop the basest.
Our history affords many examples. When our rulers visit Ireland they bestow favours and titles on the supporters of their regime - but it is always seen that the greatest favours and the highest titles are not for the honest adherent of their power - but for him who has betrayed the national cause that he entered public life to support. Observe the men who might be respected are passed over for him who ought to be despised. In the corrupt politician there was surely a better nature. A free state would have encouraged and developed it. The usurping state titled him for the use of his baser instincts. Such allurement must mean demoralization. We are none of us angels, and under the best circumstances find it hard to do worthy things; when all the temptation is to do unworthy things we are demoralised. Most of us, happily, will not give ourselves over to the evil influence, but we lose faith in the ideal. We are apathetic. We have powers and let them lie fallow. Our minds should be restless for beautiful and noble things; they are hopeless in a land everywhere confined and wasted. In the destruction of spirit lies the deeper significance of our claim to freedom.http://www.searcs-web.com/mcswin2.html
This extract is from MacSwiney's evidence to the American Commission of Inquiry on Conditions in Ireland (1921) in which she describes the removal of her brother Terence's remains from London to Cork after he died on hunger-strike on October 25th, 1920.
At Crewe we were told that when we got to Holyhead we were to go on a boat and go straight to Cork. My brother was sent for by the police inspector. I do not know that you are aware that a large body of police travelled on the train from Euston to Holyhead. They tried to play a trick on us, tried to send the train off without the friends knowing it. And then my sister and myself went into the van where my brother's remains were, and said we would not go away. Then they started the train and sent us away to get us out of London. We were then informed by the police that the remains would be put on the steamship Rathmore and taken to Dublin, and that not more than twenty of my brother's friends were to be allowed to travel with my brother's remains.
A consultation was held with my sister, and we decided unanimously that we would not one of us go on that ship. If they took my brother's remains away from us by force, and then we went on the ship, it would be a tacit consent to their action. Some people have seemed to think that we were very hard-hearted to let my brother's remains travel like that without any of his friends. We did what we knew he would have liked us to do - what would be for Ireland's good first.
When Holyhead was reached we went and stood by the van where my brother's remains were. My younger brother went and interviewed the station master and we were told finally that the body was to be taken by force, and they came into the van to take it.
I asked the station master if he were not going to fulfil the contract for which he was paid - the contract to deliver my brother's remains in Dublin. He said no; that he had government orders, and they must be obeyed. And I said that no man had the right to obey an order like that. Then we were asked to go outside and we refused. We decided that this time technical arrest, like the laying of an officer's hand on your shoulder, was not sufficient, and that this time we ought to resent by bodily resistance the second arrest of the body of a dead man. I might add that when we got to the platform at Holyhead there was about one hundred fifty Black and Tans there, and their faces as they sneered and jeered through the window at my brother's body was the most evil thing I believe that I have ever seen.
Finally all the friends gathered round the coffin, and they refused to move. I would rather be spared the details of what followed. There were some men first; I can only say that I was the first woman to be picked up like a bale of goods and thrown out - thrown out literally - onto the platform. My brother jumped to try to save me, and he was nearly choked by four policemen. And a military officer jumped over a wagon - a small cart - and took him by the back of the neck and tried to choke him. He had his arms around me, and I threw my arms around him to try to save him from being choked to death. The incident was a very painful one. And I thought every instant that my younger brother would drop dead before my eyes, because the treatment he received by the Canadian authorities in a Canadian prison during the war has injured his heart; and a doctor in America has told him that any excitment is apt to make him drop dead. And I was afraid that he was going to drop dead that night...
They took the body and increased the number that could travel with it from twenty to seventy-five; and when we refused to go, the police inspector asked Mr O'Brien to point out to the relatives the sacredness of th remains and what respect was due them. As if we needed to be pointed out the sacredness of his body!
The body was taken by the Rathmore to Dublin. We proceeded to Dublin, where the funeral was carried out, and then we went onto Cork by special train.
In the evening I got a letter that my brother's body was at the customs house and we might have it. It was a quarter past nine when I got that word. They tried to get everybody in the city to take that body before they communicated with us. I am glad to say that the citizens of Cork did exactly what we would have had them do, and refused to touch his remains because they had no authority.
The legacy of Terence MacSwiney
By Micheal Mac Donncha
(from An Phoblacht/Republican News Oct. 26, 1995)
THE MONTHS of October and November 1920 were among the most tragic and bloody of the Black and Tan War in Ireland. The policy of ruthless repression of the Irish national claim to independence by Lloyd George's British government was at its height and in those months events in Ireland were to make headlines around the globe.
No Irish name became better known than that of Terence MacSwiney. News of his death on hunger strike in Brixton Prison 75 years ago this week on 25 October 1920 was flashed around the globe. He was the Lord Mayor of Cork, a Sinn Fein Teachta Dala and Officer Commanding the First Cork Brigade of the Irish Republican Army and had been arrested while presiding at a republican court in Cork.
His comrade republican and predecessor Tomas MacCurtain had been assassinated in his home in March 1920 by RIC men in disguise. The inquest jury returned a verdict of "wilful murder" against the RIC and Lloyd George. MacSwiney took over as Mayor and five months later was arrested in the City Hall. He never saw freedom again. His funeral after 75 days on hunger-strike saw massive demonstrations in London and Cork. A week later on 1 November Kevin Barry was executed in Dublin's Mountjoy Jail. Far away in India the next day a young Westmeath man, James Daly, was executed for leading a mutiny by soldiers of the Connaught Rangers regiment of the British army, who revolted in protest at Black and Tan atrocities in Ireland and in support of the Republic.
MacSwiney is now remembered mainly because of his death but he left a body of idealistic writings which were collected in his book Principles of Freedom and which demanded the highest standards of Irish revolutionaries and placed their struggle in a world context. Here are some of his ideas.
The Irish language
The language is at once our frontier and our first fortress, and behind it all Irishmen should stand, not because a particular branch of our people evolved it, but because it is the common heritage of all.
No one is so foolish as to suppose, being free, we would enter quarrels not our own. We should remain neutral. Our common sense would so dictate, our sense of right would so demand. The freedom of a nation carries with it the responsibility that it be no menace to the freedom of another nation. The freedom of all makes for the security of all.
Friendship with England
Strange as it may seem, separation from England will alone make for final friendship with England. For no one is so foolish as to wish to be for ever at war with England. It is unthinkable. Now the most beautiful motive for freedom is vindicated. Our liberty stands to benefit the enemy instead of injuring him.
The British Empire
The empire as we know it and deal with it, is a bad thing in itself, and we must get free of it and not be again trapped by it, but must rather give hope and encouragement to every other nation fighting the same fight all the world over.
One armed man cannot resist a multitude, nor one army conquer countless legions; but not all the armies of all the empires of earth can crush the spirit of one true man. And that one man will prevail.
Nationalism and Internationalism
If Ireland is to be regenerated, we must have internal unity; if the worlds is to be regenerated we must have worldwide unity - not of government, but of brotherhood. To this great end every individual, every nation has a duty; and that the end may not be missed we must continually turn for the correction of our philosophy to reflecting on the common origin of the human race, on the beauty of the world that is the heritage of all, our common hopes and fears, and in the greatest sense the mutual interests of the peoples of the earth.
a poem by Padraic Colum
See, though the oil be low more purely still and higher
The flame burns in the bodys lamp! The watchers still
Gaze with unseeing eyes while the Promethean Will,
The Uncreated Light, the Everlasting Fire
Sustains itself against the torturers desire
Even as the fabled Titan chained upon the hill.
Burn on, shine on, thou immortality, until
We, too, have lit our lamps at the funeral pyre;
Till we, too, can be noble, unshakable, undismayed:
Till we, too, can burn with the holy flame, and know
There is that within us can triumph over pain,
And go to death, alone, slowly, and unafraid.
The candles of God are already burning row on row: